"A new security study released by the Third Way, a Democratic-leaning think tank," and authored by two former Clinton administration officials, discusses how to rebuild U.S. credibility overseas. "American voters yearn for an alternative to the Bush administration's aggressive foreign policy stance," say the Brookings Institution's William Galston and Harvard's Elaine Kamarck, "but neither Democrats nor Republicans are articulating a different path." Their study calls for "a robust military response to the terrorist threat," along with "a massive public relations effort akin to the Cold War propaganda machine." Militarily, the study suggests 100,000 more ground troops and "reinvigorated intelligence services." It also calls for "a massive increase to the $140 million the United States spends annually on public diplomacy," and "re-creating the United States Information Agency, which was folded into the State Department during the Clinton administration."

A report commissioned by BP "to investigate corrosion-related oil pipeline spills last year in Prudhoe Bay ... offers a rare glimpse inside the London-based oil giant's corporate tactics in Alaska," writes Wesley Loy. The report, produced for BP by consultants at Booz Allen Hamilton, details BP's "formal relationship matrix," which matches up company executives with Alaska and federal officials. For example, BP's Randal Buckendorf liaises with the Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC). Buckendorf is a former DEC employee with "long-standing personal friendships and professional interactions" with the state regulator, according to the report. BP Alaska's president "is to deal with the commissioner of the [state] Department of Natural Resources." The report warned that after last year's pipeline leaks, "many regulatory relationships have become strained." A BP spokesperson said the "relationship matrix" was a standard approach to maintain "good, consistent lines of communication" with regulatory agencies.

An old advertisement for Exxon (then Esso)

In an apparent policy shift, earlier this year Exxon Mobil called climate change "a serious issue," saying that "action is warranted." The oil company also said it would stop funding groups that downplay the risks from global warming or lobby against measures to limit greenhouse gas emissions. But Exxon still funds about 40 "skeptic groups," including the American Enterprise Institute, Cato Institute, Heritage Foundation and National Black Chamber of Commerce, according to a new report from the environmental group Greenpeace. Exxon did "cut its donations to these groups by more than 40 percent from 2005." Rep. Brad Miller urged Exxon to release data on its 2006 donations, saying the money "appears to be an effort to distort public discussion about global warming." Exxon gave $3.9 million to "global warming deniers" in 2004, $3.6 million in 2005, and over $2 million in 2006. Exxon challenged Greenpeace's characterization of the groups as "deniers," and said the groups "do not represent Exxon or speak on its behalf."